The Local Historian Volume 15 Number 6 May 1983

By Michael Aston

Review of the state of landscape history and landscape archaeology (May 1983), following on from Christopher Taylor's article in TLH 14 04. Aston notes: i) the extensive revisions in the received wisdom which had taken place in the previous 25 years, including the fact that our landscape is much older than was realised in 1955 when Hoskins published his seminal work; ii) that change, not stability, is the characteristic of our landscape; and iii) that complexity, rather than simplicity, is universal and hence complex explanations are more valid than simplistic ones. He then appraises the main phases of the development of the English landscape in the context of several main categories of phenomena: i) population levels; ii) settlement patterns; iii) field systems; iv) focal places; and v) technology. The article identifies key elements in the landscape, such as settlement, land use, and communications, as well as the role of man in the natural landscape itself. There is a select bibliography of important sources.

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By J.D. Marshall

Comment article on the future of local history by one of the main protagonists in the continuing debates over the philosophy, rationale and structure of the subject. In this article Marshall discusses: i) the status of local history as it is perceived by professionals and by the media; ii) misuse of the subject by the media; iii) the role of publishers in furthering academic debate; iv) the lack of cross-disciplinary communication between those in different subjects (such as geography and sociology) who undertake local history research; v) the lack of any effective national body willing to face these problems; vi) the multiplicity of bodies and institutions in the field; vii) the lack of real debate over the nature of local history; viii) the inadequacy of the 'landscape approach' to local history; and ix) the need for an exchange of ideas to elevate the quality of local history.

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By Baron F. Duckham

Overview of recent work on the road network of 18th century England and its development, in the context of the wider transport system and of the economic evolution of the country during this period. Duckham notes that because of the activities of researchers such as Hadfield, canals have been seen as a dominant influence, and the conventional view of roads continued to be that they were inadequate, deplorable in condition and limited in their economic role. He singles out the continued reliance on the writings of Arthur Young and the Webbs in this context. More recent research on turnpikes and other roads has tended to paint a different picture and he argues that, as a result, the true role and significance of the road network is becoming apparent. Duckham notes the lengths of turnpike road and waterway networks (15,000 miles and 4,000 miles respectively) and suggests that the former, and in particular the humble common carrier, was a more important influence across much of the country. The unromantic carrier is undiscussed, he considers, and even the stage coach network has been given little serious consideration. Finally, he argues, analysis of costs, speed of travel and similar factors has to be progressed further.

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By Wilfrid A. Pemberton

Discussion of the system of church briefs, as it evolved in the pre- and post-Reformation periods, is followed by a detailed account of the operation of the system in practice, illustrated by examples from a study of the Leicestershire records. Pemberton explains how the paperwork was administered and how the brief was actually collected, before observing the impact of the briefs and the causes for which money was raised. The following major themes are covered: i) briefs for the relief of personal distress and hardship; ii) briefs for church building or rebuilding; iii) briefs which relate to losses of housing and goods from fire; and iv) briefs concerning religious subjects, such as relief for oppressed Protestants on the Continent. The article then considers notable scandals, where money was diverted or embezzled, before investigating the sums raised, the levels of contributions, and the increasing inadequacy and ineffectiveness of briefs as a means of raising money by the late 18th century - it was finally abolished in 1828. The concluding section of the article discusses the documentary evidence for briefs and the costs of administering the system itself.

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By Robert Hume

The licensing of schoolmasters is a well-known aspect of the work of church courts, and such records have been widely used by those researching the history of educational provision in particular areas. However, Hume argues that because it was expensive to take out a licence the evidence is skewed towards the more prosperous schools and wealthier individuals. He suggests that looking at the citations of those who were ordered before the courts for teaching without a licence would allow the poorer or more informal schools and their masters to be identified. His researches in Shropshire showed that between 1660 and 1800 the individuals cited for unlicensed teaching outnumber those who applied for a licence by two to one. Hume also notes that women, who are exceptionally rare among the licensed teachers, are not infrequently found in the citations for unlicensed teaching. Although there are problems with using the citations - notably that their existence depended on the vigilance of the local clergy and higher church officials in bringing forward a case - they do give a much more rounded picture of the level of educational provision.

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By Basil Short

A contribution to the question of the status and circumstances of the 'poor' who were given bequests in wills of wealthier citizens, this article is a study of William Bishop, a poor shoemaker of Bridport, Dorset, who was a beneficiary of the will of John Gundry (1763). Bishop was left 6d a week for life 'for his better livelihood and to encourage his continuing school for the teaching children to read'. Short has researched other contemporary sources, such as parish rating lists, local charity records, and the records of the Bridport Independent Chapel, and found a significant number of references to Bishop as a recipient of welfare and charity though at other times as a ratepayer. He concludes, as other writers on the subject have done, that 'poor' in the context of such bequests means 'respectable poor'.

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By Nesta Evans

Brief note suggesting that where a parish register gives information on the occupations of those whose vital events it records, this is likely to be a much more comprehensive and socially wide-ranging source of information than probate records, since the latter are confined to a relatively small and elite section of society.